The Representation of Chivalry in The Knight's Tale

The purpose of this paper is to determine to what exíent the contemporaneous state of chivalry has influenced Chaucer's Knight in his literary endeavor. First I analyze the Knight's personality, which evinces his militant and nonconformist nature: as opposed to the majority of knights, Chaucer's Knight, in an attempt to uphold the ideal of chivalry, is engaged in religious campaigns, while he refrains from taking part in the Hundred Years War. To his eyes this is an immoral war among Christians which is mainly motivated by the lucrative desires of the so-called nobles. From this critical position regarding the practice of chivalry, the Knight proceeds to relate a story inspired directly by Boccaccio's Tesedia. Nonetheless, the narrator intentionally maneuvers his source to present a grimmer view of chivalric conduct. All his interpolations with regard to Arcite and Palamon are geared to créate a feeling of decadence, since they represent a perversión of the order of chivalry, as in the case of the breach of the bond of compagnonnage or in the omission of an attempt at reconciliation in the judicial combat. In addition, referring to Theseus, the Knight emphasizes the practical inefficacy of the aesthetic code of the order of chivalry that Theseus tries to implement. Despite the pessimistic visión of the second estáte suggested by this paper, the Knight's attitude must be framed in what Maurice Keen has called "chivalry's war against its own distortedhnage". In The Canterbury Tales, the relation established between the pilgrims and their tales is usually complex; besides, as Elizabeth Salter (1962: 7) points out, "Chaucer's narrative techniques are very rarely concerned with fidelity to the nature and capabilities of the 162 Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses character who tells the tale". However, in the case of the Knight's Tale (c. 1380-87), the connection between the teller and his narration is manifest (Frost, 1960: 112-113). It is precisely my purpose in this paper to examine how the personal circumstances of the narrator directly affect his literary product. First, I will attempt to identify the individuality of the Knight by setting him in his historical context. Next, I will focus on the Knight's treatment of the chivalric actions contained in the tale. I share the views expressed by Maurice Keen (1983: 47), who argües that Chaucer, in the case of both the Knight and the Parson has chosen figures "drawn very definitely from the contemporary scene whose lives indicate patterns of pious living that are not outmoded, but which too few, in Chaucer's opinión, made a sufficiently serious effort to follow". In that way, the Knight has concentrated his energies on fighting the infidel, which is the first duty of any knight.' This military devotion is expounded thoroughly in the description of the character (16 lines) providing an inventory of the scant successes obtained in the fourteenth century by European chivalry over the heathen. Although enrollment for crusades occurred in late fourteenth-century England, the participation in religious campaigns was insignificant if compared with other more lucrative military expeditions, such as the Hundred Years War. This kind of war had become a source of hvelihood for a mihtary class increasingly numerous, to the extent that certain members of the nobility "sold their services to the king in return for wages and promises of obtaining what were euphemistically known as the 'advantages' of war" (Allmand, 1988: 47). Nonetheless, our "verray, parfit gentil knyght" is imbued with the ideal of the order of chivalry. He repudiates those ignoble campaigns since he is conscious that"... falt q'il se soit armant / Non pour le lucre tant ne qant, / Mais pour droiture supporter" (John Gower, Mirourdel'Omme, 11. 24019-21) ["he must arm himself not for any lucre whatever but to uphold the right", Wilson, 1992: 314]. As a result of his moral integrity the Knight decides not to take part in the Hundred Years War (Sánchez Martí, forthcoming). Such a decisión may have seemed blamable especially to the eyes of Chaucer' s contemporary audience, who were immersed in the never-ending French war. These considerations confirm the validity of Keen's judgment quoted above. Chaucer's election of a character with such a strong-willed profile is significant if we take into account the reality of chivalry in the last half of the fourteenth century: during these years the practicality of knighthood generates a feeling of decadence. This impression is based on "the belief that the ideáis of conduct essential to chivalry became divorced from the realities of life during the fourteenth century" (Barnie, 1974: 57). This situation that affected chivalry was attested on both sides of the English Channel. John Gower (c. 13301408) in England denounces the profound crisis in the upholding of the chivalric ideáis: Car ce voitbien cil q'ore vit, Chivalerie est trop perdue, Verrai prouesce est abatue... Car d'orguil ou du foldelit Au jour present, sicomme Ten dist, The Representación of Chivalry in The Knight's Tale 163 Chivalerie est maintenue. Mirourdel'Omme, II. 23979-81,23986-88 [ "but everyone alive nowadays can see that knighthood has been ruined; true prowess has been overeóme...for (as I am told) knighthood is upheld nowadays by pride and wantonness", Wilson, 1992: 314] Ontheotherhand, Eustache Deschamps (c. 1346-1406) inFrancefirstreferstothepast splendor of chivalry (Queux de Saint-Hilaire, 1880: 216): Les jeunes gens poursuioient Lances, bacinez portoient Des anciens chevaliers... Et leurs vertus esprouvoient Huit ou dix ans tous entiers; Puis chevaliers devenoient Humbles, fors, appers, legiers. Lay de Vaülance, 11. 55-57, 69-73 ["The young men used to follow lancers, íhey used to wear the light helmets of the oíd knights... And they used to test their strengths for eight or ten whole years; tlien they became knights, humble, strong, skillful, agüe", trans. mine] Next, he describes in negative terms the contemporary situation of knighthood: Leur jeunesce demener Veulent et leur temps user Es delis, manger et boire, Mau paier, assez acroire, Eulx polir com blanc yvoire, Bien dormir et reposer... Lay de Vaülance, 11. 188-93 ["They want to spend their youth and use their time in pleasures, eating and drinking, paying badly and borrowing a lot, polishing themselves like white ivory, sleeping well and resting...", trans. mine] To summarize, the narrator of the Knight's Tale is atypical and extraordinary if we keep in mind the moral crisis that bis estáte is suffering. His engagement with the ideal of the order of chivalry raust have been visceral, and in the midst of an atmosphere of decadence his attitude seems to have been mUitant and relentless. Only the intensity of his identification with the second estáte can explain his immediate narrative selection: when the Knight is chosen to begin the tale-telling game, without opportunity to reflect,"... he bigan with right a myrie cheere / His tale anón, and seyde as ye may heere" (I, 857-58); that is to say, the 164 Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses Knight, as the first teller, is not allowed time to decide a literary theme, and therefore, opts for the issue that appertains more direcüy to him. The election of a story of chivalric character proves the Knight's sensitivity and consciousness towardthe circumstances of his estáte, and stands as the case of greater connection between the narrator and the contents of his tale. Having set the Knight in his histórica! context, I will now direct my attention to the chivalric conduct portrayed in the tale in order to contrast it with contemporary attitudes toward this behavíor. In this sense, I will focus on the Knight's treatment of the representatives of knighthood in his tale; first, I will scrutinize Arcite's and Palamon's action, and next Theseus'. Before applying this analysis, however, I would like to clarify an aspect that I consider relevant. The story chosen by the Knight is direcüy inspired by Boccaccio's Tesada (begun 1339), which is located in classical Greece. Our Knight, withoutmodifying this backdrop, introduces a series of medieval elements that endow his narrative with greater contemporaneousness. The Knight's additions are concerned precisely with the chivalric aspectsofthe story and signify an adaptation to medieval practices (Robertson, 1915: 23839). Furthermore, both contemporary and modern readers have always been tempted to read the rivalry between Athens and Thebes as a mirror of the strife between England and France. Strong evidence supporting that the Knight's Tale was actually read with contemporary implications is provided by John Lydgate (c. 1370-1449). He wrote a continuation to the Canterbury Tales starting with the return to London of the pñgrirns. In their journey back, they recount the story of The Siege of Thebes (c. 1420-22), which renders entirely the Theban legend in English, estabhshing direct references to the Knight's Tale (cf. 11. 4501 ff.). In Lydgate's poem, the parallel with the Hundred Years War is made more noticeable, as is proven by the following Unes (Erdman, 1911: 192): But loue and pees / in hertys shal awake, And charité /, both in length and brede, Of newé shal her bryghte beemys sprede Thorgh grace / only: in dyuers naciouns, Forto reforme / a-twixé Regyouns Pees and quyet / concord and vnyté. The Siege of Thebes, 11. 4698-4703 And such a connection is made even more explicit when he affirms: "To sende vs pes / her in this lyf present" (4713), with an obvious reference to the armed conflict with France. I set out now to examine the chivalric attributes that our Knight confers on Arcite and Palamon. When Arcite and Palamon are found in the heap of corpses by Theseus' soldiers, they are first surprised because Arcite and Palamon wore the same heraldic device: "Bothe in oon armes "(1,1012). This coincidence implies a very cióse relationship between the two knights; as Leach points out (1937), the use of the same device by two knights was one of The Representation of Chivalry in The Knight's Tale 165 the signs of compagnonnage or brotherhood by oath. Afterward, we confirm that the bond of compagnonnage actually exists between Arcite and Palamon when the latter refers the termsoftheiroath: ... that am thy cosyn and thy brother Ysworn ful depe, and ech of us til oother, That nevere, for to dyen in the peyne, Til that the deeth departe shal us tweyne, Neither of us in love to hyndre oother, Ne in noon oother cas, my leeve brother, But that thou sholdest trewely forthren me In every cas, as I shal forthren thee— This was thyn ooth, and myn also, certeyn